The Diversity Kit and Caboodle
The latest in cynical, ideological scholarship.
May 17, 2004, Vol. 9, No. 34 • By MARK BAUERLEIN
JUST OVER a quarter of a century ago, the Bakke decision sparked an intellectual quest: How could proponents of affirmative action justify the use of racial preferences in college admissions on educational grounds? Last year, the culmination of that quest was enshrined, fittingly, in another Supreme Court decision. Writing for the majority that upheld the affirmative action program of the University of Michigan law school, Justice Sandra Day O'Connor affirmed racial preferences as a basic American policy. "Effective participation by members of all racial and ethnic groups in the civic life of our Nation," she declared, "is essential if the dream of one Nation, indivisible, is to be realized." In the schools, O'Connor wrote, diversity is a pedagogical good, as students of different races bring the "unique experience of being a racial minority" to the campus and so promote among students at large a deeper understanding.
Behind that high-flown social vision, what's more, stands a burgeoning field of social science called "diversity research" (DR). Summoned into being by a long series of court challenges to preference programs, DR comes dressed in the trappings of survey analysis, complete with charts and statistics and all the scholarly paraphernalia of citations and peer-review panels. Since DR exists for the sole purpose of proving that affirmative action lifts all students' knowledge and skills, its findings are marked by an unusual unanimity: All studies reach the same conclusion--that campuses need more diversity, more multiculturalism. As one pro-preference expert witness sums up the wisdom of the field, "Students learn more and think in deeper, more complex ways in a diverse educational environment."
The future of affirmative action rests partly on researchers' continuing ability to show that multiracial classrooms are superior. Rarely has a research agenda gathered so much backing so quickly. Funding comes from the U.S. Department of Education, the Ford Foundation, and universities. While it is difficult to nail down funding totals for the field as a whole, two Ford Foundation grants in 2003 are suggestive: The foundation awarded the Association of American Colleges and Universities $225,000 to show schools how to connect diversity with excellence. And it gave the Civil Rights Project at Harvard $600,000 to build a network of researchers, lawyers, and advocates to bolster affirmative action.
The findings of diversity researchers are disseminated by groups concerned with higher education as well as by an expanding network of specialized institutions, such as the federally funded Center for Research on Education, Diversity, and Excellence at the University of California-Santa Cruz. These days, nearly every campus has its office of diversity.
Brown University, for instance, distributes a "Diversity Kit" to high schools and anyone else who's interested--mostly people connected with state departments of education who are involved in the mission of diversifying the classroom, from kindergarten up. Underwritten by the U.S. Department of Education, the kit opens with a warning whose fervor is characteristsic of the genre: the "caution that the content of the kit is emotion-laden." Touching as it does on people's unspoken assumptions and subtle prejudices, DR generally proceeds from a vantage point of moral certainty. It seldom stoops to acknowledge contrary findings. The website of the Office of Diversity Education at the University of Indiana Bloomington exemplifies this complacency. Its homepage, between quotations from Malcolm X, assures visitors that "once the diversity model is described in terms that the various laws and policies intended . . . people are much more willing to open their minds."
But not all minds are so pliable, and diversity researchers must work hard to spread the faith. One approach has been to make "diversity classes" a required part of the college curriculum. These courses, whether in social science or literature or art, are intended to raise students' awareness of racial and ethnic minorities. The students who take them also make for handy research subjects. In 1998 at Penn State, for instance, Betsy Palmer monitored 1,000 students in diversity classes for their awareness of racism and involvement in "diversity activities," such as campus events held by gay and lesbian groups. The study (excerpted on the web's Diversity Digest) found that during the semester, "racial and gender attitudes became more tolerant" and "self-exploration" deepened, though affiliation with Greek organizations "negatively influenced tolerance."