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POTUS on Horseback

Which comes first, the party or the president?

Dec 18, 2006, Vol. 12, No. 14 • By JOEL SCHWARTZ
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Running Alone

Presidential Leadership--JFK to Bush II:

Why it Has Failed and How We Can Fix it

by James MacGregor Burns

Basic Books, 272 pp., $26

James MacGregor Burns can succinctly be described as a poor man's Arthur Schlesinger: a prolific writer on American history for more than 50 years, whose scholarship is to some extent disfigured by Democratic partisanship. And partisanship is certainly to be found in Burns's new book, as when he observes that Republicans keep "faith with their values with . . . promises to destroy programs that provide a minimum of security to the ill and the aged." How's that for a fair and balanced assessment of Republican efforts at entitlement reform?

Overall, however, Burns's analysis here is relatively evenhanded, in that he examines a failing common to both Democratic and Republican presidencies--a failing that Burns traces to John F. Kennedy. Presidencies fail when presidents run (and subsequently govern) alone: "Running alone has become the dominant political strategy in the 40 years since Kennedy's death, with grave consequences for American government. . . . It has been the defining principle of presidential politics since Kennedy and a crucial factor in the failure of so many presidents to lead."

Although he does not seem to realize this, Burns means two different things when he speaks of running alone, and the two things are in tension with one another. Burns mostly equates running alone with a presidential candidate's running as an individual as opposed to a party leader: Such a candidate ignores his party, its platform, and its welfare. Thus, he faults Kennedy for his "separation from--even antagonism toward--the Democratic party." (Later Burns blames Nixon, Carter, and Clinton for similar failings. Nixon, for example, "exploited and degraded" the Republican party and achieved only a "personal"--as opposed to a "party"--victory in 1972.)

To run alone, as opposed to running as a party leader, is deplor able, because it is "a poor, even impossible, strategy for a leader hoping to weld government together to create some kind of transformation. Strong leadership require[s] that a president mobilize and unify followers numerous and committed enough to overcome the many forces resisting change."

But Burns also equates running alone with reluctance to consider a broad range of views from a variety of sources--a very different understanding, since it points less toward a partisan than a bipartisan or nonpartisan presidency. (If presidents need to hear a range of views, why should they restrict themselves to the views of their fellow party members?) Accordingly, Burns criticizes Kennedy for "cut[ting] himself off from the broader range of people and ideas that might be needed as new problems and crises arose," and Nixon for naming "not a single Democrat . . . to his cabinet." Conversely, LBJ is praised for achieving legislative successes by winning "cooperation from Republicans to overcome resistance from the Democratic party's conservative wing."

Burns concludes, more broadly, that "a closed decisionmaking process, impervious to outside voices and alternative information, too often [leads] to misjudgments and flawed or incompetent execution." That is true enough, but this assessment seems to call for presidents who transcend partisanship more than they embody it.

Burns devotes most of this slim volume to necessarily superficial assessments of all the post-1960 presidencies. It is noteworthy that Reagan comes off better than any other president in this time period: Reagan's was "the most dynamic display of principled presidential leadership since the early years of Lyndon Johnson. Like LBJ, Reagan had seized the moment for dramatic action and had orchestrated a broad and unrelenting collective effort to achieve it. Even more than Johnson's Great Society, though, Reagan's 1981 economic program altered the landscape of American politics."

Burns concludes with an extremely sketchy discussion of solutions to the problems that he highlights. His first recommendation--"Needed: Party Polarization"--is odd: We already have party polarization, so how can it be what we need?