As the mayoral election shows, racial politics are alive and well in New York.
Nov 19, 2001, Vol. 7, No. 10 • By FRED SIEGEL
Other cities have moved on. In the urban revival of the 1990s, race receded as a political factor elsewhere. Seattle, Houston, Dallas, Denver, San Francisco, and Minneapolis, all of which are less than a third black, elected African-American mayors. In the words of former Baltimore mayor Kurt Schmoke, "race continues to be an issue in our elections, but not the issue." This year, city elections pitted black candidates against white in Cincinnati (which recently experienced racial rioting), Minneapolis, Cleveland, and Houston (where there was also a Latino candidate). And all of these elections were remarkable for their absence of racial rancor.
New York was different. The "fun" began this year when Bronx borough president and Democratic mayoral candidate Freddy Ferrer created a black-Latino alliance with Al Sharpton, the city's leading racial demagogue. Ferrer's campaign theme of "the other New York" was designed to mobilize the Latino and black voters who were supposed to have been left out of the Giuliani boom of the 1990s. The numbers show they weren't. But Ferrer understood the first rule of New York's racialized politics: The best way to mobilize voters is to stoke the resentments that have long been cultivated by the press and the city's ethnic leaders.
Ferrer's Democratic rival Mark Green capitalized on the fact that white voters heard Ferrer's "other New York" rhetoric as "We're owed and you're going to pay for it." In their closely contested runoff election for the Democratic nod, Green jumped on Ferrer's non-response to September 11. Ferrer voters were little interested in the issue; rebuilding lower Manhattan was, according to the exit polls, dead last on their list of priorities. What they wanted was more public-sector spending on education and social services. Seeing an opening, Green ran a TV ad quoting the New York Times saying that Ferrer's reaction to September 11 was "borderline irresponsible." Ferrer and his allies, including Bronx political boss Roberto Ramirez and Sharpton, reacted with howls of outrage. There were cries of "racism," and the ad was compared to a "lynching."
When Ferrer went on to lose narrowly, media magnate Mike Bloomberg used his deep pockets to play off Latino and black anger at the supposedly racist Green. He ran a blitzkreig of ads in the Spanish-language media denouncing Green, who had devoted most of his adult life to left-liberal causes like attacking Giuliani's police department. According to the rules of New York politics, any criticism of a non-white candidate is ipso facto racist. Terry McAuliffe, the Democratic national chairman, agrees. He's invited Sharpton's critics to leave the Democratic party.
Spreading his wealth, Bloomberg won the backing of the city's race hustlers, not to mention anti-Semites Lenora Fulani and Wilbert Tatum. By Election Day, November 6, Bloomberg was in a de facto alliance with Sharpton and Ferrer to suppress the black and Latino vote for Green. They succeeded and Bloomberg won with the 59,000 votes provided by Marxist Fulani's Independence party line.
STRANGELY ENOUGH, Green, the victim of his own newfound scruples, wasn't willing to cut deals with the race hustlers; Bloomberg was. Green, who never openly criticized the race game, feared being indebted to the likes of Al Sharpton, lest it undermine his ability to govern effectively. Bloomberg looked at it differently and got elected, like former governor Nelson Rockefeller and former mayor John Lindsay, with an incongruous collection of conservative voters--in this case Giuliani backers and Giuliani haters. On the morning after he won, Bloomberg met with Ferrer, and the next day he made a point of shaking hands publicly with Sharpton, the man Giuliani had refused even to meet, let alone bargain with, for eight years.