But it's also true that we've had an all-volunteer force for decades. Whereas the original G.I. Bill was understood as compensation for conscription--for taking the best years of millions of young lives--later versions of the legislation, including the 1985 Montgomery G.I. Bill that is the basis of current educational benefit, have served as a relatively small part of a broader incentive package for serving in the armed forces. Signing bonuses and reenlistment bonuses are what have skyrocketed post-9/11, and servicemen are free to use this bonus money as they choose--a down payment on a house, to start a business, to finance their education.

Webb's proposal, though, goes well beyond even the most generous enlistment bonuses, provided the money is spent on education. Right now, active-duty veterans can receive up to $1,101 a month, an amount that is not quite adequate for room and board at the average in-state public school, let alone the most expensive. Webb would raise monthly benefits to match the most expensive in-state public school tuition and also provide a housing allowance at the military's E-5 standard--generally understood to be enough to rent a two-bedroom townhouse.

The sponsors claim that the new approach will cost around $2 billion a year, a small share of the total cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and a small price to pay for doing

As Webb told Military.com's Tom Philpott in March, the military relies heavily on "this one demographic group they keep pounding on and throwing money at. Yet there's a whole different demographic group that would be attracted to coming in and serving a term." He is right that the military leadership has a strong preference for a career force rather than a force defined by high rates of turnover, for the same reason that virtually all employers prefer experienced employees.

Last week, Senators Lindsey Graham, Richard Burr, and John McCain, taking a cue from Defense Department objections, introduced an alternative bill, which increases monthly G.I. educational benefits to $1,500 per month. For those who serve in active duty for 12 years or more, the benefit increases to $2,000 a month. The Graham-Burr-McCain bill also allows servicemen to transfer education benefits to a spouse or to children. Half of benefits can be transferred after 6 years of service and all benefits can be transferred after 12 years. Webb is strongly opposed to transferability--perhaps because transferability is a way of turning spouses and children into reenlistment recruiters. Military families, as you can guess, like the idea.

Overall, the Graham-Burr-McCain approach seems more likely to yield an effective fighting force composed of women and men interested in making a long-term commitment. The Webb bill, in contrast, could lead to more college-bound Americans signing up, but it will also probably mean a higher number will leave the military once they reach the maximum benefit level. It's no surprise that McCain, who has a shot at being commander in chief, would rather not see reenlistment rates plummet. Webb, in contrast, who is always fighting the war over the war, is far less likely to have a philosophical objection to making wars like our wars in Iraq and Afghanistan far more expensive to fight.

This relatively minor legislative battle over whether and how the military should try to bring together Americans of different class backgrounds is really a major battle in the war over the war in Iraq.

Reihan Salam is an editor at the Atlantic Monthly and a fellow at the New America Foundation. With Ross Douthat, he is the author of Grand New Party, to be published by Doubleday in June.