Like the Balkan wars of the 1990s, the Russian invasion of Georgia reveals Europe's weakness and disunity in crisis. In fact, many of the debates that have separated the Bush administration from various European governments have also divided European governments from each other, with disagreements on a range of issues like Iran, terrorism, Russia, and the Mediterranean Union. The underlying tension between French president Nicolas Sarkozy and German chancellor Angela Merkel throws the growing schism into sharp relief.

Consider Sarkozy's proposal for a Mediterranean Union that would be similar to the European Union and would boost cooperation among European, North African, and Middle Eastern governments. When he first began promoting the idea in 2007, the union was to include only countries that bordered the Mediterranean Sea. The exclusion of Germany caused Merkel to object strongly, calling the plan "very dangerous" and fearing it would undermine the EU and erode Berlin's strategic clout. After some passionate negotiating--Sarkozy adviser Henri Guaino told the Financial Times that "there was a lively debate, a very intense, stormy discussion," and EU diplomats were quoted elsewhere as saying that Sarkozy and Merkel "had quite a fight"--French and German officials agreed to include all 27 EU countries. But suspicions linger in Berlin and elsewhere that Sarkozy's true goal in forming the union was to expand France's sphere of influence at Germany's expense.

There are broader worries across Europe that Paris will use its six-month tenure as EU president--which began on July 1--in the service of French national interests. Sarkozy has proved to be audacious, and at times unpredictable. Whereas Merkel has consistently embraced multilateralism, the French president has shown a greater penchant for national initiatives. He has also moved France closer to the U.S. positions on Iran and terrorism.

Sarkozy has been distinctly more hawkish on Iran than Merkel, describing the threat of a nuclear Iran as the world's "most serious" crisis. Last August, he caused a stir by declaring that a policy of tough sanctions and incentives "is the only one that can enable us to avoid being faced with an alternative that I call catastrophic: an Iranian bomb or the bombing of Iran." Germany has recently edged nearer to the French position, but it has traditionally been more resistant to harsh economic sanctions, given the extensiveness of German business interests in Iran. For a period of time in 2007, when Washington and Paris pushed for robust sanctions, Berlin hedged.

Sarkozy has also been more vocal and aggressive on terrorism. In mid-June, the French government released a new defense policy directive, its first since 1994, which announced the creation of a new defense and national security council and a new national intelligence council, both chaired by the president; advocated "the full participation of France in the structures of NATO"; called for an EU defense force of 60,000 deployable troops; and stressed the need for enhanced anti-terrorism coordination. In a speech marking the white paper's release, Sarkozy said that "the most immediate threat" to France "is that of a terrorist attack."