Eyeball to Eyeball
Our guy blinked, with the following results.
Aug 1, 2011, Vol. 16, No. 43 • By JAMES DELMONT
The timing for this book is exquisite. Fifty years ago this summer, an embattled Soviet leader in a power struggle with an inner-circle hardliner was pushed to offer a young, inexperienced American president an ultimatum—which, if not met, would drastically heat up the Cold War. Nikita Khrushchev, looking over his shoulder at Frol Kozlov and his allies in the Presidium, offered John F. Kennedy an ultimatum on Berlin. And something similar happened much more recently: Russian president Dmitry Medvedev, looking over his shoulder at Vladimir Putin and his allies, offered an ultimatum to Barack Obama on the building of missile defense shields in Central Europe, warning that if Russia is not accommodated the Cold War may be renewed.
Kennedy and Khrushchev, Vienna, June 1961
KPA / ZUMA Press / Newscom
Frederick Kempe, a veteran Wall Street Journal editor and reporter and now president and CEO of the Atlantic Council, has written an engaging study of the 1961 Khrushchev/Kennedy standoff over Berlin, presenting the drama in the journalistic, anecdotal, episode-by-episode mode made popular by the late Cornelius Ryan (The Longest Day, The Last Battle). With a chronology that runs from New Year’s Eve 1960 to late October 1961, Kempe provides documentary-style vignettes, ranging from Kennedy’s summit with Khrushchev (“Little Boy Blue Meets Al Capone”) to ordinary people escaping across the Berlin Wall (including the East German soldier dropping his rifle as he leaps into a famous photograph). This moment-by-moment presentation underlines the urgency of events and makes for a readable narrative.
Kempe’s book is the longest second look at the Berlin Crisis in some time—Robert Slusser’s study The Berlin Crisis of 1961 (1973) being its equivalent—although Michael Beschloss widened the topic in 1991 with The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev 1960-63, in which he judged the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 to be an outgrowth of the Berlin crisis a year earlier, a point Kempe agrees with in a lengthy epilogue (“Kennedy’s Berlin crisis had moved to Cuba.”). Slusser was mainly interested in establishing that Khrushchev, who had survived a coup attempt in 1957, was not the rampaging dictator fully in charge of an aggression against the West but was under unbearable pressure from Kozlov and his group of hardliners, from Mao in China, and, especially, from the East German leader Walter Ulbricht, a fundamentalist Marxist who combined the discipline of a Calvin with the true-believer convictions of Lenin. Ulbricht was outraged that hundreds of thousands of East Germans were escaping to West Germany from West Berlin, which was open to East Berlin.
Both Kempe and Slusser confine their studies to a 1961 calendar; but the crisis really began in 1958—as Jack Schick made clear in The Berlin Crisis 1958-1962 (1971)—and the origins go back even further, to the 1948 Berlin airlift when Stalin (then lacking nuclear weapons) tried to cut off West Berlin. Indeed, the real origins go back to World War II, when postwar occupation zones were being arranged. President Franklin Roosevelt, en route to the Tehran conference of 1943, picked up a National Geographic map and drew an enormous American occupation zone in Germany, extending across Northern Germany to Berlin. This large expanse might have made the Berlin crisis impossible. But among other things, a three-power commission (unmindful of FDR’s map) agreed in 1944 on occupation zones closely resembling those that actually developed at the end of the war, with Berlin 110 miles within the Soviet zone. Roosevelt objected, but to no avail: Berlin itself was to be occupied by the allies with each having a zone of occupation there.
In March/April 1945, it became apparent that either the British and Canadians (Field-Marshal Bernard Montgomery’s 21st Army Group) or the Americans (General William Simpson’s Ninth Army) could make it to Berlin ahead of the Russians, who were meeting fierce resistance east of the capital. Simpson thought he had the go-ahead from General Omar Bradley; but Bradley and the supreme commander, General Dwight D. Eisenhower, decided to stick with the Allied military objectives and avoid the massive losses endured by the Red Army. Ike told Stalin and Simpson that the Allies were not headed for Berlin, and while a big chunk of what would eventually become East Germany was overrun by Allied troops who drove to the Elbe River, Berlin was not a part of it.