The Tehran Syndrome
What happens when a mind is held hostage by the imams.
Nov 22, 2010, Vol. 16, No. 10 • By SOHRAB AHMARI
The Ayatollahs’ Democracy
Schoolgirls outside the former American embassy, Tehran, 2010
Behrouz Mehri / AFP / Getty Images / Newscom
An Iranian Challenge
One of the more amusing anecdotes related here by Hooman Majd involves a preelection conversation between the author and a deputy minister for science. Majd, an Iranian-American journalist with close ties to the Green Movement leadership, pointedly questions the Ahmadinejad appointee about his government’s decision to cap band-width speeds across the country at a slow 128 kilobytes per second. The deputy minister responds sternly that the cap simply reflects the Iranian cultural context: “We like to pay visits to each other, to drop in and chat with our friends and family, to see one another’s faces.”
Who needs Facebook when we have the tea room?
The Persian blogosphere is estimated to be the world’s fourth largest. When permitted by the regime, Iranians are avid YouTube, Twitter, and SMS users. Majd naturally rejects the minister’s invocation of cultural relativism to mask repression. “The matter of the Internet . . . is purely one of control, not culture,” he rightly concludes. It is a shame, then, that his book reacts to recent developments in Iran with the same basic intellectual reflex as the hardline theocrat tackling the foreign menace of Internet access.
Much of The Ayatollahs’ Democracy is devoted to a garden-variety defense of Iran’s nuclear program and aggressive foreign policy under Ahmadinejad. More provocatively, however, the book advances the thesis that the Islamic Republic of Iran forms the basis of a democratic order reflecting the broad consensus of a devoutly Shia and
Take, for example, one of Majd’s many get-togethers with his relative by marriage, former President Mohammad Khatami. The two are happily drinking tea when Majd broaches the topic of politics. Suddenly, “Khatami pauses and then waves one hand toward the ceiling and the walls, and says, ‘You know how it is.’ . . . His offices are thoroughly bugged, his every conversation monitored, his every movement tracked.” Majd’s tea room meeting with the son of the reformist-leaning Friday prayer leader of the city of Yazd is also monitored, this time by ominous security agents visible across the tea room. The latter incident occurred prior to the 2009 election and subsequent crackdown.
In the face of these police-state encounters, Majd resorts to some remarkable intellectual contortions to present the Islamic Republic as a democracy. He goes to painstaking lengths to distinguish the repressive
Majd also attempts, unsuccessfully, to present Iranian politics as similar to those in any other democracy by carelessly applying labels like “left,” “right,” “liberal,” and “conservative” to a system that defies these familiar coordinates. Conscious of his target audience’s politics, Majd often compares the Iranian president to George W. Bush, casting both as provincial conservatives intolerant of dissenting views. Say what you will about Dubya, but “Not My President” bumper stickers never landed American liberals in jail. In Iran, a “Not My President” bumper sticker market is unlikely to survive—literally.
While the Bush/Ahmadinejad comparison marks a cheap attempt to appeal to Western leftists, the parallels Majd draws between the Iranian political system and America’s are perverse. Every election cycle, Iran’s Guardian Council bars candidates for the presidency unless they are male, Shia, and possess irreproachable revolutionary credentials.
To dress up theocracy as democracy, Majd turns to some unattractive yes-buttery here: Yes, the Guardian Council prevents thousands of otherwise qualified individuals from running for office on political, ethno-sectarian, and gender-based grounds, he concedes; but don’t the media play the same role here in the United States by targeting candidates who are outside the American mainstream? This sophomoric argument raises the question: Are Iranian women, who make up half of the electorate and more than half of university graduates, not “mainstream” enough for Iran?
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