Wars of Words
The story behind the stories about Webster’s Third.
Nov 12, 2012, Vol. 18, No. 09 • By JOSEPH EPSTEIN
Skinner begins with the publication of Webster’s Second New International Dictionary in 1934, and takes his readers through the 1930s and past World War II, onward to the appointment in 1950 of Philip Gove as editor of W3. He recounts the jarring reception of the new dictionary, and ends with the extended and ultimately abortive attempt of the American Heritage Company to acquire the Merriam-Webster Company—an attempt largely based on the assumption that W3 had greatly weakened it. Skinner provides portraits of the leading players—lexicographers, linguists, critics, publishing executives—and their radically differing points of view on the controversy stirred by W3. What in less skilled hands might have been arid and parochial in David Skinner’s becomes a lively account of a subject of interest to anyone concerned about the English language in America.
Serious dictionary-making in the United States began with Noah
An estimable autodidact, Webster is said to have learned the rudiments of 26 languages in order to supply etymologies for the entries to his dictionary. He lost money on the dictionary and, because of it, spent much of his life in debt. When Webster died, his copyrights were taken over by the G. & C. Merriam Company of Springfield, Massachusetts.
G. & C. Merriam, later Merriam-Webster, brought out many expanded versions of Webster’s original dictionary, calling its 1890 edition Webster’s International. Various volumes spun off this original work, perhaps the most financially successful among them the Webster’s Collegiate series, begun in 1898 and now in its 11th edition (and said still to sell roughly a million copies annually). Easily its most impressive work was Webster’s New International Dictionary, published in 1909 and then as an expanded (to 600,000 entries) version in 1934. This dictionary, W2, was the stick most critics used to beat W3. At the close of his attack on W3, for example, the Life editorialist wrote that he planned to hang on to W2 “awhile for little matters of style, good English, winning at Scrabble and suchwise.”
Earlier dictionaries sought to delimit and to discriminate, and, above all, to be definitive. W3 set out, instead, to show not only how language should be used, but how it actually is used. The decisive difference here is between the ought and the is. What made for most of W3’s problems is that most people go to dictionaries to learn the ought: for knowledge of how a word ought to be spelled, and what it ought to mean. The W3 emphasized, instead, how the meanings of words change and how wide has been the variation of their everyday use.
W3, as David Skinner writes, was
This passage makes Skinner seem an advocate of W3 and its organizing principles. He is not—at least not uncritically so. In fact, he doesn’t really tip his mitt about his own position, which makes his book less an argument than the account of an amused observer. This account features lots of intellectual snobbery, pedantry, bullying, and priggishness. Neither a prescriptivist nor a descriptivist, Skinner, in The Story of Ain’t, is perhaps best described as a meteoro-logist of storms in teacups.
Once Merriam-Webster decided upon a third edition of its great dictionary, the first thought was to hire a man of established and well-known intellectual attainment: J. Robert Oppenheimer was one name under consideration; H. L. Mencken was another; Jacques Barzun, who would later attack W3 (and who died last month at 104), a third. They settled instead on a man with the W. C. Fieldsian name of
The man they chose, Philip Gove, was a hire, as we should now say, blithely turning a verb into a noun, from within the company. He had a Ph.D., but a less-than-successful career teaching English at NYU. Claiming to be neither a linguist nor a lexicographer, he applied for a job at Merriam-Webster and was taken on as an assistant editor. He climbed the masthead to associate and then managing editor, and ended as editor in chief for W3 in 1952. In an odd combination of the casual and the formal, his children (as Skinner reports) called him by his first name, but he was never known as anything other than Mr. Gove in the office.
The mission of W3 was to supply, in Gove’s words, “the widest possible coverage of standard language,” as well as to “keep step with linguistic advance.” As Skinner nicely puts it, for Gove, “a dictionary was not the language; a dictionary, even an unabridged dictionary, was only a selective inventory of lang-uage.” A dictionary, Gove held, “should have no traffic with guesswork, prejudice, or bias, or with artificial notions of correctness and superiority. It must be descriptive and not prescriptive.” For Gove, a dictionary was “a faithful recorder” of language, and “cannot expect to be any longer appealed to as an authority.”
The question was whether Gove’s ideal dictionary was also the dictionary the ordinary reader wanted. According to research, people used dictionaries to find out (in order of frequency): the meanings of strange words, the secondary meanings of familiar words, the correct spelling of words, and, finally, guidance on how to pronounce words. Did W3 answer these needs? Given the utilitarian and conservative tendencies of people who purchase dictionaries, the management at Merriam-Webster was worried that W3 was less a useful dictionary than a work of scholarship.
Skinner also describes the intellectual drudgery that went into the making of W3. “It was,” he writes, “intellectual work that could rarely be done without a large amount of formal education, but more than a few highly educated people of vaguely literary bent found the work too boring to accept.” For “the saboteurs of Springfield,” as Wilson Follett, one of W3’s attackers, called the editors, the hours were long and dreary. A fair amount of time was spent searching for contemporary citations to illustrate new usages for old words. “Readers,” Skinner writes, “were expected to scan, more than any other literature, contemporary non-fiction: newspapers, magazines, learned journals, popular science titles, house organs, annual reports, mail-order catalogs, college catalogs, transportation schedules, bulletin boards, menus, food containers, and owner’s manuals.”
Then there was the writing of definitions, which had to be done with a comprehensive sweep and a careful dialectical neutrality. W3 eschewed the generalizing definitions of W2 in favor of what Skinner called “contextual defining,” which featured “illustrations and quotations to illuminate a word’s actual range of meaning and usage.” All definitions had to be impartial, with no implicit editorializing, such as W2 permitted. Apaches could no longer be defined as “Nomads, of warlike disposition and relatively low culture,” nor Aleuts as “a peaceable, semi-civilized people.”
The attacks on W3 didn’t seem to slow its sales. Herbert Morton, in The Story of Webster’s Third (1994), reported that by mid-1993, W3’s “total sales—domestic and international—had exceeded 2.5 million copies, far greater than the sales of any other unabridged dictionary of the English language.” W3 had in its favor the vast increase in the number of people going to college, and hence in need of a dictionary. Today, W3 has serious rivals in the Random House Dictionary of the English Language and The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language; the latter, according to Amazon.com, appears at present to be outselling W3.
As long ago as 1993, according to Herbert Morton, there were no plans to create a Webster’s Fourth New International Dictionary. If serious work on the creation of a W4 is now underway, it is not being much ballyhooed. Perhaps this is not the best time for producing a grand new dictionary. Many computers now supply dictionaries at no extra cost. W3 is itself available as an iPod, iPad, and Android app, and Google will look up any word about which one is uncertain. Besides, precision in the use of language, of the kind an excellent dictionary is supposed to help provide, is not a notable feature of our age.
A contemporary dictionary would have to deal with political correctness, which means that many words could scarcely be defined at all, since the assumption behind much political correctness is that these words shouldn’t be permitted to exist in the first place. Obscenity in spoken language, even in such public domains as television, is now so common as scarcely to qualify as slang. Any attempt to be magisterial would, in our day, be scoffed at. Steven Pinker, the chairman of the usage panel for the fifth edition of The American Heritage Dictionary, writes in its introduction: “If you are using this dictionary as the official rulebook of English meaning and pronunciation, prepare for a disappointment.” Webster’s Third New International Dictionary, Unabridged, for all its flaws, may be the last great general dictionary we shall ever see.
Joseph Epstein, a contributing editor to The Weekly Standard, is the author, most recently, of Essays in Biography.