When Bankers Behave Badly
Mitt Romney should call them on it.
Jul 23, 2012, Vol. 17, No. 42 • By IRWIN M. STELZER
Where’s the outrage? No, not at President Obama’s performance, foreign and domestic, or his airbrushing the past three years of his failed economic policies out of the history books. That particular outrage Mitt Romney is taking good care to express as part of his strategy of concentrating on Obama’s failures rather than risk proposing policies to return morning to America. But where is the Republican candidate’s outrage at some of those who might be considered his own friends and allies?
Just because Obama attacks “fat cat” bankers in one of his egalitarian rants doesn’t mean that Romney should refuse to excoriate those bailed-out, over-bonused executives when their behavior warrants it. Ever since the days of Adam Smith, believers in the virtues of free markets have known that “people of the same trade seldom meet together . . . but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public.” It’s bad enough when these conspiracies aim to fix prices on, say, construction projects. But when the conspirators are bankers who label themselves “dudes” and “big boys,” and promise each other bottles of Bollinger for manipulating prices, and when the price they fix is the interest rate that the Wall Street Journal estimates governs $800 trillion of loans and derivatives worldwide, including almost one million U.S. home loans indexed to Libor carrying an unpaid principal balance of $275 billion, we have an assault on the heart of capitalism, not to mention a potential bonanza for class-action lawyers. The CEO of one multinational bank told the Economist, “This is the banking industry’s tobacco moment,” referring to that industry’s $200 billion claims payout.
That’s what the bankers’ fixing of the so-called Libor (London InterBank Offered Rate) is all about. Don’t worry about the details. Know only that the bankers manipulated the global rate to turn a market into what the Bank of England calls a “cesspit” in order to enhance their profits; that Barclays has agreed to settle for a fine of $450 million and demanded the resignation of its American-born president, Bob Diamond; and that the British authorities are all over other banks like a tent.
And where is Mitt Romney, with a golden opportunity to show that he is outraged at this latest effort of the banking community to appropriate to itself a still larger share of the national income, to show that he believes in a market manipulated neither by government bureaucrats nor by private bankers? It’s not banker-bashing to criticize bankers when they deserve it. And it’s not bad politics when that criticism lets Main Street know that Wall Street does not own this candidate. The Manhattan Institute’s Nicole Gelinas said it best: “When a bank egregiously breaks the law, it should run the risk of a criminal conviction.” Why not a simple comment from the candidate that bankers’ “monkeying with the Libor this way for their own financial benefit is outrageous”? Alas, that statement came not from Romney but from Barney Frank, who predictably sees congressional hearings and more regulations as the solution.
Then there is the not-so-small matter of the structure of the financial sector. Romney must know better than anyone that the folks running our big banks, including Obama’s favorite banker Jamie Dimon, are hardly paragons of risk assessment. After all, Bain Capital, where Romney made his fortune, existed in part because -worthy businesses often could not borrow on attractive terms from traditional banks. He must know two other things about these banks: They are too big to fail, and too complicated to regulate. So where is he when economists say that the better alternative is not more of the failed policies of the Obama years—regulating the unregulatable, bailing out when all else fails —but breaking up the big banks? Not for vulgar populist reasons, but to improve the functioning of the capital markets. If so inclined, he could toss in a fairness argument to top off the economic efficiency point.
But that might be too much to ask of the candidate of a party that sees the need to bail out banks but is squeamish about supporting measures to keep delinquent mortgagees in their homes. Pity. After all, it took both improvident borrowers and imprudent lenders to build up this stock of dicey paper, so why not share the burden of digging out of the problem more evenly? I know—moral hazard, the fear that failing to punish bad behavior by borrowers will produce imitations of that behavior. A legitimate consideration, but not one that tops all others, including the social cost of evictions, borne not only by the evicted family, but by every family on the block, doomed to see the value of their homes fall as the vacant adjacent house deteriorates under the incompetent maintenance of the foreclosing bank.