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China Is Like Russia

And U.S. foreign policy should reflect this.

8:15 AM, Mar 18, 2014 • By DAN BLUMENTHAL and MICHAEL MAZZA
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In recent weeks, all eyes have been on a revisionist regime dissatisfied with the post-Cold War status quo, convinced of the geopolitical necessity of and historical right to a hegemonic self-centric regional order, dedicated to the long-term job security of its political leaders, and driven by enduring, geographically-imposed security concerns. What country does this describe? Before Russian aggression in Crimea, the obvious answer would be China.    Without a Chinese Putin, China has to take a backseat to Russia as the leading revisionist power.

Flag of the People's Republic of China.svg .png

China, of course, is not Russia. While the two have many differences, the similarities should not be ignored. Since the break-up of the Soviet Union, Moscow’s leaders have not been content to simply accept Russia’s standing as a middling, if nuclear-armed, power. Vladimir Putin described the collapse as the 20th century’s “greatest geopolitical catastrophe.” He was not joking.

The Chinese Communist Party, for its part, likes talking about the “century of humiliation,” in which Western powers and Japan reduced China from the dominant force in Asia to a weak power.  Restoring China to its rightful place atop the Asian hierarchy is a central goal of the CCP, which has successfully convinced the Chinese people that it serves as the vanguard of Chinese rejuvenation.

In both the Russian and Chinese cases, historical narratives and ideas about a proper order drive policies aimed at shifting both regional and global balances of power. In both countries, national security leaders believe that international politics is a zero-sum game. Chinese leaders like to talk about “win-win” outcomes, but even Beijing’s proposal to Washington of a “new type of great power relations” seems to mean that China want the keys to the kingdom of international primacy without resistance. 

Ideology, grievance, and fastidious calculations of power drive Moscow and Beijing. But so does weakness. Both are concerned about the security of their respective sea lanes. Chinese actions in its own “near abroad,” to borrow a Russian term, are driven by such concerns. China’s economy is dependent on overseas energy imports and maritime trade.  But it is the United States, rather than China, which controls the sea lines of communication in the Indian Ocean and Asia-Pacific. Beijing’s efforts to modernize its navy and extend its territorial holdings in the Asian littorals are adjusting that reality.

Russia’s naval base in Sevastopol on the Crimean peninsula, meanwhile, is key to both defending seaborne approaches from the Mediterranean to Russian territory and to defending trade routes stretching from Novorossiysk—a major Russian energy and grain export port—to the Bosphorus Strait and points beyond. In the wake of Ukrainian president Yanukovych’s ouster, Putin’s invasion of Crimea was driven in part by a fear of losing Russia’s naval base there and of potential future NATO access to Sevastopol.

The big question is not why Russia has acted so aggressively, but why China has not. Differences in their respective internal politics provide a crucial part of the answer. Russia is a weak country with a strong man. China is a strong country without one. Xi Jinping may want to fill that role, but he has a long way to go before he can manipulate all the levers of power and have his way within the Chinese system. Until he does, China will remain relatively more cautious and consensus-driven.

Washington can do very little to influence the balance of power within Beijing and stop a strongman from emerging.  But its national security strategy has to accept that even in this supposedly more enlightened century,  Russia and China are  revisionist states defined by a  toxic combination of arrogance on the one hand and, on the other, geographical and political insecurities founded in liberalism’s spread, geography, and continued U.S. primacy. Russian and Chinese musings about their respective futures should not be dismissed. Xi Jinping has described his “China Dream,” in part, as “a dream of a strong military.” Foreign observers have long dismissed the public comments of hawkish Chinese military officers, but it is increasingly clear that their threats—for example, to cut off the resupply of Philippine marines stationed in the South China Sea—should be taken seriously. Russia and, increasingly, China will act forcefully when they feel they can.

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