The Conservative Case Against Obamacare: A Restatement
7:07 AM, Apr 21, 2014 • By JAY COST
There is no doubt that some will be made better off because of Obamacare. It closes the Medicare Part D “donut hole.” Many people will get a good deal thanks to the subsidies, despite increased costs and narrow networks. It provides coverage to people with pre-existing conditions. It allows young adults under 26 more time on their parents' insurance plans. This is why no serious conservative opponent ever declared that nobody would join Obamacare. It is why serious conservatives have put together policy alternatives that help these people.
However, the law makes losers out of a vast array of people, whose economic status usually makes them “off the table” when it comes time to fund new social welfare programs.
a.) Seniors on fixed incomes will see their Medicare Advantage costs go up.
b.) Seniors' access to hospitals will be diminished because of cuts to the Hospital Insurance Fund.
c.) Many in the small group marketplace will see their costs go up and coverage options decrease, but will not be eligible for subsidies.
d.) Many kicked off their existing plans, especially those with sensitive medical conditions, had to experience grave uncertainty as to whether their new coverage would be sufficient. When the special exemption for old plans ends in a few years, many more will experience the same uncertainty.
e.) Many in the individual marketplace will see their costs go up and coverage options decrease, despite the subsidies (assuming they are eligible for them).
f.) Many will not find sufficient value in any of the plans, and choose instead to pay the mandate penalty and remain uninsured.
g.) Rural communities where competition is sparse and enrollment weak will see premiums increase more relative to urban areas where those conditions don’t hold.
h.) The premium support formula results in young people at a given income level subsidizing older people at the same level, despite the fact that the latter are finishing up their peak earning years and should be more able to pay.
For a comprehensive accounting of the program’s winners and losers, see this interesting analysis by Chris Conover of Duke University.
Importantly, none of these people had to be harmed. In fact, this is of a piece with the previous critique: it all has to do with hiding the true costs of the program. To do that, congressional Democrats and the president not only used a series of phony cuts and tax increases, they alsospread the burdens of the bill far and wide, so that these people are paying an implicit tax to expand coverage.
Look again at these aforementioned “losers,” and you will see that they are not, by and large, the richest 1 percent, 5 percent, 10 percent, or even 20 percent. For instance, premium subsidies disappear for an individual making $45,000 per year, or a family of four making $90,000; and prior to these thresholds, the subsidies become quite measly relative to the cost of insurance. These are middle class people whose condition in this economy is often tenuous. Medicare serves the entire elderly population, which means these cuts are going to cut across income lines. The people who find insufficient value in exchange plans, and choose instead to pay the fine, will almost assuredly be middle income people, often young. A 25-year old making $50,000 is probably not in as good a shape economically as the 60-year old in the same condition whom he subsidizes, as the former still has student loan debt and is soon to take on mortgage debt.
These people should not have been harmed for any reason, let alone reasons of political convenience.
Conservative objection #3: Obamacare restricts choices and increases costs.
Liberals have been trumpeting CBO reports that talk about insurance premiums coming down. This is misleading for two reasons. First, they are coming down relative to CBO projections made at the time the bill was passed. In real terms, premiums have been going up. Check out this analysis from the Manhattan Institute. Also, consider these estimates from the American Enterprise Institute on how young people in particular will pay more. Also, see this study from Morgan Stanley showing a dramatic spike in premiums over the last six months. And premiums, of course, are only one way to increase the burdens on consumers. Co-pays and deductibles have also gone up.
Meanwhile, lost in the media's celebration of CBO’s announcement of low premiums was the fact that premiums came in lower than expected in part because insurers cut provider networks, a reality that new enrollees are already experiencing. In California, they’ve taken to calling it “medical homelessness.”
All of this is a consequence of two policy decisions made by the Democrats. First, they chose to allow relatively sick people to pay the same price for health insurance as relatively healthy people. Those extra costs must be borne somewhere, and they are coming in the forms of higher premiums, copays, and deductibles, and narrow networks. Second, they mandated that insurers cover a vast array of health services, regardless of whether people want them. Again, that costs money, and for many people these benefits provide little or no value.
Conservative objection #4: Obamacare hurts businesses.
The only way the country becomes more prosperous is through the creation of jobs in the private sector. The government cannot create wealth. It can only redistribute it, and Obamacare burdens businesses through its vast redistributive program. There are the administrative burdens, the employer mandate, and the requirements that insurance must take a certain form.
And make no mistake: those costs will often be transmitted to the employees. Health care for part time employees is being cut by big employers. Hours are similarly being cut. Conservatives believe that, when the mandate goes into effect, it will cut the number of jobs as well as wages. All told, a recent study by the American Health Policy Institute estimated that gross compliance costs for the largest employers would be between $4,500 and $5,000 per worker.
Conservative objection #5: Obamacare is probably unsustainable ... in the long run.
Conservatives who understand how the law works were not predicting a death spiral as of last fall, when the exchanges were supposed to work. For a time, it looked like it might happen because of technical problems, but that was not the original prediction.
Instead, the expectation is that the weak mandate to purchase insurance, plus the fact that Obamacare is a bad deal for many people, would make it disproportionately attractive to older and sicker individuals, the types for whom the program is a good deal but who cannot make an insurance market prosper.
Why will this only happen in the long run? The answer has to do in part with three Obamacare programs designed to serve as a backstop for insurers: risk corridors, reinsurance, and risk adjustment. Reinsurance pays marketplace insurers for their losses per patient from a tax on everybody else's insurance. Risk corridors are supposed to transfer funds between insurers based on profit and loss margins, but leaves open the potential for government funds going directly to insurers. These two programs end after 2016, which means by that point Obamacare will have to stand on its own, without the feds guaranteeing insurer profits.
Conservatives think the weak mandate, combined with the higher costs and relatively small value for many people, means that after these backstops go away the program will struggle. Whether that results in a “death spiral,” or simply increasing costs for the federal government through ever-larger premium tax credits, is another matter. Historically speaking, the better bet is unsustainability because of evermore costs to the taxpayer. That is the core problem with Medicare: the program was designed in a way that grew costs far beyond the capacity of the funding mechanism to keep up. For this reason Medicare is set to hit a crisis point in the next decade. Conservatives think that Obamacare will suffer a similar fate, perhaps sooner.
In conclusion, any one of these objections would merit virtually uniform opposition from conservatives to Obamacare. But take them all together, and most American conservatives have arrived at the same conclusion: this law is fatally flawed, must be repealed entirely, and replaced with something that is sustainable and not overly burdensome to taxpayers, middle class families, or businesses. After all, fixing each of these problems would result in a new law that bears only the faintest resemblance to Obamacare as it is today.
Moreover, a lot of conservatives believe that liberals have the exact same opinion. While publicly applauding the expansion of coverage, some of them must understand the grave problems inherent to this law. This helps explain the sense on the right that, for liberals, this is simply a stalking horse for single payer: first, sign up new people under a federal entitlement that cannot practically be taken away, then deal with the various harms to middle class voters, burdens on businesses, and extreme cost overruns … by proposing “Medicare for all.”
The irony here is rich indeed: the very same liberals who prefer such a “repealing and replacing” of Obamacare are actually criticizing Republicans for wanting to repeal and replace with a conservative alternative.
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