In Noel Canning, Another Unanimous Defeat For Claims Of Unchecked Power
10:05 AM, Jun 27, 2014 • By ADAM J. WHITE
Indeed, Scalia's opinion vigorously rejects the notion that the Senate could concede any power to the president in these matters, since the Constitution's system of checks and balances exists not to protect the Senate, but the people:
In that discussion, Justice Scalia explicitly focused on Justice Kennedy's past opinions, listing them by name in citations I've omitted from the quote. His focus on Kennedy is striking. Most likely, Justice Scalia focused on Justice Kennedy's past writings on constitutional structure simply because Kennedy's track record is so strong on that point, and Scalia was frustrated by Kennedy's failure to strongly protect that structure here.
But perhaps Scalia's focus on Kennedy has even more immediate roots. Perhaps Justice Scalia singled Kennedy out because Kennedy himself is promoting those themes in a yet-unreleased opinion in the Hobby Lobby religious liberties case, due to be decided next week. (I admit, this second theory is probably just wishful thinking, since I've previously suggested that Justice Kennedy might pursue those themes in Hobby Lobby.)
But again, these limited disagreements among the Court's nine justices must not overshadow the fact that all nine of them found President Obama's actions unconstitutional. That is a remarkable outcome, but hardly an unprecedented one: as Senator Cruz has documented, the Court unanimously rejected the administration's legal positions eleven times before Thursday.
The administration's failure to garner even a single vote might owe to the fact that the administration boldly refused to concede any limit on its recess-appointment authority, in terms of the minimum number of days needed to constitute a "recess." In the Justice Department memo defending the recess appointments, the office of legal counsel stressed in a footnote that it had never conceded any such limit. At oral argument, the solicitor general hedged only slightly—he suggested that three days might be the minimum for a constitutional "recess," but even then he insisted that the president must have complete power to decide whether the Senate is actually in recess, or whether the Senate's "pro forma" sessions are not real sessions. The administration simply refused to back away from its controversial assertion of power to make binding judgments as to Senate procedure.
This is not the first time the administration refused to identify a "limiting principle" preventing its argument from slipping into absurd results. The Obamacare individual mandate litigation was dominated by concerns that the administration's broad view of the Commerce Clause had no limiting principle. In Citizens United, the administration's claim of the power to not merely ban videos but also to ban books caused the case to take a decisive turn against it.
Absolute power corrupts absolutely. And claims of absolute power tend to corrupt the administration's legal arguments, absolutely. It is a lesson that the administration has refused to learn. And even after suffering such a decisive loss yet again, the administration still might not learn it.
After all, I hear that the president doesn't like to take no for an answer.
Adam J. White is a lawyer in Washington, D.C. Full disclosure: He is co-counsel in a lawsuit challenging CFPB Director Cordray's recess appointment, as well as the constitutionality of the CFPB's structure. And his firm filed an amicus brief in the Noel Canning case.
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