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 January 2 - January 9, 2012
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 December 26, 2011
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 December 19, 2011
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 December 12, 2011
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 December 5, 2011
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 November 28, 2011
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 November 21, 2011
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 November 14, 2011
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 November 7, 2011
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 October 31, 2011
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 October 24, 2011
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 October 17, 2011
This issue: January 16, 2012 (Vol. 17, No. 17)
BY WILLIAM KRISTOL
The establishment usually wins. That, after all, is what it means to be an establishment. But not always. Three of the last six presidents—Jimmy Carter in 1976, Ronald Reagan in 1980, and Barack Obama in 2008—ran against their own party’s powerbrokers, captured the nomination, and then took the Oval Office from an incumbent president (1976, 1980) or an incumbent party (2008).
True, establishment candidates have more often beaten back insurgents. But that hasn’t always turned out so well for their party. Gerald Ford lost the general election in 1976, Jimmy Carter (who had held off challenger Ted Kennedy for the Democratic nomination) lost in 1980, Walter ...
BY GARY SCHMITT and THOMAS DONNELLY
With the end of the Cold War in sight, then-Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Colin Powell in the George H. W. Bush administration was asked how big the U.S. military should be. He replied, “We have to put a ...
BY JAMIE M. FLY
A funny thing happened last week in Iowa. Foreign policy—mostly the question of how to deal with the threat posed by a nuclear Iran—emerged front ...
The neglected substance of the Santorum campaign.
BY JONATHAN V. LAST
Manchester, N.H.
Rick Santorum’s campaign is more sophisticated than it looks. Superficially, it’s a shoestring operation: Just a few days before the New Hampshire primary, he’s perpetually booked into venues that are two sizes too small. He often speaks without a microphone or professional lighting. The advance work is minimal, usually just a couple of lawn signs tacked to the walls and two small posterboard placards that read “Faith, Family & Freedom” and sit on tripods at the front of the room. On good days, there are enough staffers to man a table near the entrance asking voters to sign up for his list, but this job usually exhausts the staff’s ...
The new Mitt Romney.
BY FRED BARNES
Salem, N.H.
Welcome to big government libertarianism.
BY JOHN MCCORMACK
Ankeny, Iowa
Low-beta isn’t always better.
BY LAWRENCE B. LINDSEY
The conventional wisdom among the chattering class about the Republican field is that voters face a choice between “electability” and “ideology.” ...
Lebanon’s fratricidal extremists.
BY LEE SMITH
Beirut
Time to undo the Kim family regime
BY ROSS TERRILL
With 28-year-old Kim Jong Eun propped up to handle Pyongyang’s succession crisis, three facts about North Korea are salient. Kim Jong Il, who died December 17, like his father was a tyrant whose damage makes Qaddafi seem a choirboy. After six decades of peaceful competition with the capitalist South, the socialist North’s per capita GDP is 5 percent of South Korea’s. Years of futile disarmament talks with North Korea compare with the worst peace-effort fiascoes of League of Nations days.
George W. Bush’s comment to Bob Woodward, “I loathe Kim Jong Il,” was a fitter summation of this cruel nonentity than the full-page world-historical pomposity of the New ...
Iran’s navy plays a dangerous game.
BY MICHAEL RUBIN
Tension between Iran and the United States flared on December 28, 2011, when Habibollah Sayyari, commander of Iran’s navy, threatened to close the Strait of Hormuz, the 34-mile-wide passage through which more than ...
When it comes to defending private enterprise, Wall Street is its own worst enemy.
BY IRWIN M. STELZER
America’s more or less free-market capitalism is not under threat from Marxist-Leninism: That system’s demonstrated failures have consigned it to ...
An Iran with nuclear weapons is the true threat to the world economy.
BY MICHAEL MAKOVSKY AND LAWRENCE GOLDSTEIN
In 1993, James Carville, President Bill Clinton’s political strategist, said that “if there was reincarnation,” he’d like to return as the ...
The life and legacy of Otto von Bismarck
BY STEVEN OZMENT
Jonathan Steinberg presents the fabled German chancellor as both an egomaniacal hypochondriac and a political-military genius: “He is the statesman who unified Germany in three wars . . . a hypochondriac with the constitution of an ox, a brutal tyrant who could easily shed tears, a convert to an extreme form of evangelical Protestantism, who secularized schools and introduced civil divorce.”
The reader learns early and often that Bismarck “made Germany but never ruled it.” As chancellor (1862-90) he served a line of three long-lived kings, any one of whom could have fired him at will—and at the end, one did. Active in politics from 1847 to 1890, he also maintained a hate/awe relationship with the large political parties. ...
The high cost of mixing success and attachment.
BY ELIZABETH POWERS
In 1942 George Stevens made a romantic comedy for MGM called Woman of the Year. Based on the journalist Dorothy Thompson, one of ...
Ideological divisions in the GOP are not exactly news.
BY ALONZO L. HAMBY
The first master’s thesis defense committee on which I served, more years ago than I care to count, evaluated an effort titled “Liberal Deviations of Robert A. Taft, 1945-1953.” As a young assistant professor still ...
The unexpected poet among us.
BY ELI LEHRER
Based on his commercial success alone, Shel Silverstein (1932-1999) deserves a great deal of attention from those who care about American poetry. Consider the facts: Both the books of poems and drawings that Silverstein published during his ...
Christopher Caldwell, nostalgic for nasty New York.
BY CHRISTOPHER CALDWELL
A friend told me at dinner over New Year’s break that people had started walking at night in New York’s Central Park again. In the year just ended, the New York Times reports, there was about one robbery in the park every three weeks. Back in the 1980s, when I started visiting, there were two a night. I can more easily imagine Wrigley Field in July without baseball than Central Park after dark without random violence.
In the wake of power outages in 1977, Lord of the Flies-style looting spread across the city. Longtime residents—the kind of people who could remember strolling at midnight with their sweethearts by the ...
One of the most amazing moments following the Iowa caucuses went largely unremarked—our friend Wlady Pleszczynski at the American Spectator seems to have been the only other scribbler who was properly agog. It came when Rick Perry conceded his fifth-place finish in a speech to supporters. Such smoldering disasters usually call forth from experienced candidates a cheerful and tearful mixture of chagrin, gratitude, praise, personal modesty, and, depending on future prospects, either fatalistic resignation or steely resolve.
Not the governor of Texas. Rick Perry had just lost an electoral contest for the first time in his political career; this was his first concession ...
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