July 7, 2008 -
July 14, 2008 • Vol. 13, No. 41 Download Now! (pdf)

 

EDITORIAL
An Indecent Decision
by Matthew Continetti

SCRAPBOOK
Buckminster Fuller, Justice Anthony Kennedy

ARTICLES
Closing the Enthusiasm Gap
by Stephen F. Hayes

Very Retiring Republicans
by Fred Barnes

McCain, Obama, & the Catholic Vote
by Ryan T. Anderson

History's Fall Guys
by Dean Barnett

Shaken and Stirred Up
by Reuben F. Johnson

A Heaping Bowl of Mush
by Philip Terzian

Laughter at the Supreme Court
by Lee Ross

FEATURES
L'Affaire Enderlin
by Anne-Elisabeth Moutet

BOOKS & ARTS
Talking Politics
by Christopher Hitchens

Isn't That Special?
by Andrew Roberts

Boris the Good
by Andrew Nagorski

After the Fox
by Edward Short

Unholy Thoughts
by Stefan Beck

Speak the Speech
by Judy Bachrach

Rhymers' Dictionary
by John Simon

Keeping Score
by James M. Banner Jr.

Here's My Plan
by Matthew Continetti

Identity Theft
by Edith Alston

Cops on the Case
by Jon L. Breen

CASUAL
Lost in the Personasphere
by Andrew Ferguson

PARODY
Fred Flintstone wins McCain's eco-challenge


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The Caucus Candidate

Despite Hillary Clinton's victory yesterday, the Democratic party is likely to nominate for president a candidate who lost primaries in large, key states like California, Florida, Michigan, New York, Texas, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. One reason this will happen is that Obama leads in states won and in pledged delegates. That is because he has won - in addition to primary victories in places like Wisconsin, Illinois, Virginia, and Maryland - almost every one of the caucuses held so far. And he has won many of them - dominated by antiwar grassroots activists hostile to Sen. Clinton - by significant margins. He won Alaska 75 percent to 25 percent, for example; Hawaii 76 percent to 24 percent; Nebraska 68 percent to 32 percent. He also won the Texas caucuses by 12 points. Those margins of victory translate into Obama's probably insurmountable lead among pledged delegates.

When the history of this primary campaign is written, therefore, a major theme will be the Clinton campaign's hubris. It was hubristic to believe that the backing of the party establishment and a sense of "inevitability" meant that grassroots organizing at the state level was unnecessary. It was hubristic to assume that the nomination fight would be over by February 5 - an assumption which led to confusion, the misallocation of resources in the post-Super Tuesday One states, and Obama's string of victories that month.

Thanks to demographics and Obama's past few bad weeks, Clinton now has a (slim) second chance. But all of this could have been avoided. If her campaign had treated the caucuses seriously and won a fair share of them, Hillary Clinton would now be the Democratic nominee for president.

(Thanks to WEEKLY STANDARD intern Robin E. Wright, who helped research this blog.)

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