Turks in the Streets
This time, it’s personal. They dislike the prime minister.
Jun 24, 2013, Vol. 18, No. 39 • By LEE SMITH
Two weeks of protests across Turkey that have left four dead and more than 5,000 injured have observers wondering whether Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan is facing an Anatolian Spring. Is Turkey’s Islamic ruler weathering a crisis similar to the revolutionary climate that sent Arab protesters into the streets two years ago, pitted populations against each other, and in several notable cases toppled dictators?
Erdogan the Problem
The short answer is no. In spite of the excessive use of police force, Turkey is still a genuine, if flawed, democracy, where real politics, competition, compromise, public opinion, and, as the protests show, consent of the governed are central to the normal functioning of the system. The demonstrations represent something like a course correction, the ship of state trying to right itself in spite of a captain intent on running it aground. The problem is not Turkey, nor the ruling Justice and Development party (AKP), nor, more generally, is it Islamism—the problem is Erdogan himself.
It’s curious that it took the Turks this long to discover what much of the world has known since Erdogan came to power in 2003—he is a vain and impatient martinet who expects the world to bend to his will and stamps his feet and turns red with anger when it doesn’t. The man who threatened Turkish protesters last week and said they are in league with foreign plotters is the same prime minister who stormed off the stage at Davos three years ago after screaming at Israeli president Shimon Peres and singlehandedly cashiering Turkey’s strategic alliance with Israel. The Erdogan who champions Hamas is the same man who has subverted the Turkish judiciary to imprison enemies, including former top military officials, and put more journalists in jail than China or Iran. An aspiring leader of the Sunni world who calls Zionism a crime against humanity, Erdogan is the same divisive premier who names a bridge after a 16th-century Ottoman sultan most famous for slaughtering tens of thousands of members of Turkey’s Alevi minority. Finally, it seems the Turks have noticed what Erdogan is all about.
The protests began at the end of May with a small group of environmentalists demonstrating in Istanbul’s Taksim Square against the demolition of Gezi Park. Gezi is one of the few green spaces remaining in a city of 13.5 million and growing, thanks largely to the long economic boom that has been the main source of Erdogan’s appeal throughout Turkey. The plan was to pave over the park and build a shopping mall, with the contract going to a company alleged to have ties to Erdogan’s party. After the police used especially heavy-handed tactics in clearing the 50 or so protesters from the square, the demonstrations started to grow geometrically, with tens of thousands braving tear gas and water cannons in Taksim. By the end of the first week of June, protesters had taken to the streets in 78 cities and millions of Turks were awakening to the fact that they, too, had a gripe with Erdogan.
In big cities like Istanbul and Ankara and resort towns like Izmir and Bodrum with heavy concentrations of liberals and secularists, it was perhaps the zoning law restricting the sale of alcohol, or the one banning alcohol advertising, or efforts to outlaw abortion and other intrusions into people’s personal choices that sent protesters to the streets against Erdogan. What came as a surprise was that even in the most conservative regions of Anatolia, where the AKP traditionally counts on strong support, people came out against the prime minister.
Maybe protesters didn’t like the fact that he was negotiating on his own a peace deal with the Kurdistan Workers’ party, a group that has been at war with the state for three decades in a conflict that has cost thousands of lives. Or maybe they didn’t like Erdogan’s Syria policy, which has set Turkey on a course for war with a dangerous neighbor, flooded the south with hundreds of thousands of refugees, and made the country vulnerable to terrorist attacks, like the car-bombings in Reyhanli last month that killed 51 people. (And then instead of visiting Reyhanli in sympathy with the victims, Erdogan went off to Washington to petition Obama to arm the Syrian rebels, who many Turks see as the cause of their suffering.) There’s something for everyone to dislike about Erdogan, and what the Turks dislike most about him is his style—he’s an autocrat who makes decisions without consulting anyone except Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
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