Media Malpractice and the IRS Scandal, Part II
3:53 PM, Aug 5, 2013 • By MARK HEMINGWAY
Last Friday, I critiqued a piece by Dartmouth political scientist Brendan Nyhan for inaccurately summarizing the media coverage of the IRS scandal. I encourage you to read both pieces, but in a nutshell Nyhan was arguing that the media had failed to report on new developments since the scandal broke that would reshape our understanding of the scandal as being less driven by partisanship. I responded that the media also hadn't much reported on subsequent evidence that reaffirmed the IRS was targeting groups based on conservative ideology—which Nyhan didn't note or address. I also made the point that the IRS was pretty clearly stonewalling attempts to gather more evidence and that I was troubled that people with an obvious political axe to grind were using Nyhan's incomplete summary to argue that the IRS scandal was insignificant and safely ignored.
Now Nyhan has responded to me. This time around, he's now allowing the following:
I don't disagree with that statement at all. I suspect that if he hadn't first framed the issue to strongly suggest the evidence no longer pointed to the IRS disproportionately targeting right-leaning groups, there would be little objection to his argument. However, in his first piece he made reference to a lot of "complex or ambiguous details" that had emerged since the scandal broke and left the impression the agency was unfairly suffering "reputational damage" from those that insisted the agency was engaged in partisan targeting. Again, I wasn't the only one who interpreted his piece that way—Ezra Klein at the Washington Post hailed his piece as evidence the "scandal falls apart."
Still, I initially dinged mostly for Nyhan for sins of omission rather than commission. I'm not entirely sure that's the case with his response to me. To further make his point that the media coverage egregiously shaped the perception of the scandal as partisan, he goes out of his way to cite two examples from THE WEEKLY STANDARD. Alas, I think these two examples are revealing in ways Nyhan didn't intend. Here's one:
It seems to me that Nyhan is straining to put the worst spin on this possible. There are a few issues here. One is witnesses testified before Congress that someone in the White House may have known about the IRS investigations. That's not ominously suggesting anything, it's reporting the facts. Two, while I readily concede (again) that there's no evidence that the IRS was targeting groups at the direction of the White House, we can't conclusively say that none exists, either. Particularly since the IRS isn't releasing millions of requested documents and many of the primary figures in the scandal have invoked the Fifth Amendment. Three, the president is still responsible for what happens under the executive branch. Maybe the White House didn't have anything to do with the scandal, but if someone close to the White House had an inkling that the IRS was asking people about their relatives and private religious beliefs as a means of determining their tax status and didn't do anything to stop it—that's news. Saying Warren "ominously suggested" White House involvement is grossly unfair.
Here's the second example, which is a little more on point but still problematic:
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